Colombia's Military: 60 Years of COIN and What It Means for Joint Service
The Fuerzas Militares de Colombia have more continuous counter-insurgency operational experience than almost any military in the world. Here is what that means — for Colombian service members, and for the US personnel who work alongside them.
1. Why Colombia matters as a US security partner
Plan Colombia — initiated in 2000 as a US-Colombian cooperation program targeting drug trafficking and the FARC insurgency — became one of the most extensive US security assistance programs since Vietnam. Over roughly two decades, the US invested approximately $10 billion in Colombian security sector support, making Colombia the largest recipient of US security assistance in the Western Hemisphere during that period.
The results were operationally significant: the FARC was degraded from a force of approximately 16,000–18,000 combatants to a fraction of that, leading to the 2016 peace agreement. Colombian military effectiveness increased substantially. And something less commonly acknowledged happened: the US learned from Colombia as much as Colombia learned from the US.
Colombian instructors — particularly Lanzero-qualified NCOs and officers with extensive jungle COIN experience — have trained US Army units through the SOUTHCOM Security Cooperation framework. Colombian jungle warfare doctrine, fluvial operations tactics, and HVT targeting methodology have influenced US COIN approaches. The relationship is genuinely bidirectional.
2. What service in the Colombian military actually involves
The Colombian military conducts real operations against real armed groups continuously. This is not a deterrence force or a training military. Units rotate through operational theaters — primarily in the jungle departments of Caquetá, Putumayo, Norte de Santander, Arauca, and Nariño — on an operational cycle that means most Colombian soldiers deploy more than they garrison.
The FARC peace process (signed November 2016, formally implemented 2017) reduced the scale of armed conflict significantly but did not end it. Dissident FARC factions that rejected the peace agreement — collectively known as FARC dissidents or Estado Mayor Central — continue armed activity. ELN (Ejército de Liberación Nacional) remains an active insurgency, particularly in Arauca and Norte de Santander departments. BACRIM (criminal bands) operate across multiple regions. Colombian military operations continue across all three threat categories.
3. The falsos positivos context
A platform called “Honest MOS” that omitted this would not be honest. The falsos positivos are documented historical fact — not allegation, not political characterization. They are established in Colombian court proceedings and the JEP process. Any honest account of Colombian military service includes this.
Between approximately 2002 and 2008, some Colombian Army units — primarily but not exclusively during the Uribe administration's “Democratic Security” policy — killed civilians and dressed them in guerrilla clothing to count them as combat kills. This practice — “falsos positivos” or “false positives” — was driven by institutional pressure to demonstrate results through body counts.
The scale was substantial. The JEP (Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz) — the Special Jurisdiction for Peace established under the 2016 peace agreement — has documented over 6,400 cases of extrajudicial killings attributed to members of the Colombian security forces. The JEP has formally acknowledged these as crimes and has pursued accountability proceedings against military personnel involved.
This is not peripheral history. It is:
- →An active legal process — JEP proceedings involving military personnel continue as of 2024–2025
- →Institutionally acknowledged — the Colombian Armed Forces and government have formally recognised the abuses occurred
- →A factor in current operational culture — rules of engagement, targeting procedures, and documentation requirements have been significantly reformed in the post-falsos positivos period
- →Relevant to career risk for personnel who served in implicated units during the relevant period
For soldiers entering the Colombian military today, the institutional response to falsos positivos has created a stricter operational and legal environment. Rules of engagement are more carefully documented. Commanders are more accountable for what happens under their command. The cultural shift is real, though uneven across the force.
For US service members working with Colombian forces: awareness of this history is not anti-Colombian. It is professional context that any serious partner force relationship requires. Colombian military culture includes this history; pretending otherwise produces worse partnership, not better.
4. Colombian special forces
5. For US service members working with Colombian forces
US service members assigned to SOUTHCOM, working in Colombia on security cooperation programs, or training alongside Colombian forces should understand several things that official briefings may understate:
- —Spanish matters more than you expect: Operational effectiveness in Colombian partner force relationships depends heavily on Spanish language capability. Military interpreters are available in formal settings; they are not available in every patrol debrief, every informal training moment, or every relationship-building conversation. The US service member with functional Spanish builds significantly better relationships and learns significantly more.
- —The expertise exchange is real and bidirectional: Colombian military instructors — particularly at the Escuela de Lanceros and in fluvial warfare specialties — genuinely know things that US forces are still learning. This is not flattery. US advisors who approach the relationship as pure mentorship rather than professional exchange miss the learning opportunity and damage the relationship.
- —The JEP context affects working relationships: Some Colombian officers and NCOs with operational histories from 2002–2010 have legal exposure to JEP proceedings. The institutional climate around accountability, documentation, and rules of engagement has changed as a result. Understanding this context helps explain some of the formality and procedural caution that characterises Colombian military culture in the post-JEP period.
- —Colombian rank carries real operational experience: A Colombian Army colonel with 20 years of service in COIN operations has a different kind of experience than most of their US counterparts. Respect for this experience — not deference, but recognition — produces better partnership.
6. Joining as a dual citizen / Colombian-American
Colombian men are subject to mandatory military service (Servicio Militar Obligatorio) — twelve months for those who do not continue to university or do not qualify for deferment. Dual Colombian-American citizens who travel to Colombia may encounter conscription obligations.
Dual citizens: If you hold Colombian citizenship and travel to Colombia, you are subject to Colombian law including military service obligations. The US State Department's travel guidance for Colombia notes that Colombian authorities may consider dual nationals to be Colombian citizens, with corresponding obligations. Verify your status with a Colombian immigration lawyer before travel.
For those who choose to serve in the Colombian military as professional volunteers (not conscripts), the career path involves training at the Escuela Militar de Cadetes (officers) or Escuela de Soldados (enlisted). The Colombian military offers stable employment with benefits through the Caja de Retiro de las Fuerzas Militares (CREMIL) retirement system.
Soldiers who complete the Lanzero course or achieve specialist qualification receive professional recognition within the Colombian military and internationally — the Lanzero qualification is known to US and allied special operations communities. Career progression follows conventional military structure: corporal, sergeant, staff sergeant, and so on through the suboficial ranks.
Do not share classified operational information — specific unit locations, active operation plans, patrol routes, intelligence sources, or information that could assist armed groups (ELN, FARC dissidents, BACRIM) in targeting military personnel or installations. Your honest account of Colombian military service conditions, training, and career reality does not compromise security. Operational details that could assist armed groups do.